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Few concepts in the social sciences are invoked with the same ease or employed so readily to explain so
many social and institutional outcomes as power. The concept of power has been used to explain, for
example, how organizational resources are allocated (Pfeffer, 1992), how decisions are made (Neustadt,
1990), the control of attention (Fiske, 1993), behavioral disinhibition (Galinsky, Gruenfeld & Magee,
2003; Keltner, Gruenfeld & Anderson, 2003), and the resolution of conflict (Boulding, 1966, 1989), to
name just a few important processes and outcomes. The concept of power is routinely used, moreover,
not only to explain why such outcomes do happen, but also why they don’t. Russell’s (1938) observation
that power is a “fundamental concept” in the social sciences remains as true today as it was when he first
uttered it.
As March (1994) noted, most conceptions of power reflect “the intuitive notion of struggle, with outcomes
determined by the relative strength of contending forces” (140). Wrong’s (1979) definition is representative
of this tradition, characterizing power as the “capacity of some persons to produce intended
and foreseen effects on others” (2). Along similar lines, Blau (1964) proposed that actors possess power
when they can “induce others to accede to wishes by rewarding them for doing so” (115). As these definitions
make clear, social scientists have long presumed an intimate relationship between power and influence
(French & Raven, 1959; McClelland, 1975): the effective use of social influence helps individuals
obtain power. Power, in turn, facilitates social influence because powerful social actors possess more
resources that can be brought to bear on solving their problems (Pfeffer, 1992).
Drawing on these distinctions, effective social influence can be defined as the process of successfully
inducing change in other people’s attitudes, beliefs, perceptions, feelings, values, and behaviors by means
of one’s own behavioral tactics. Thus defined, the use of effective influence tactics has been the subject
of considerable prior theory and research (see, e.g., Cialdini, 1988; Kramer & Neale, 1998; Levine, 2003;
Pratkanis & Aronson, 1992, 2001; Zimbardo, Ebbesen & Maslach, 1977 for more comprehensive treatments
of the social psychological literature on effective influence).

社会科学的很少观念与相同的安逸一起叫唤或如此的不迟疑雇用这么
如力量的许多社会的和制度的结果。 力量的观念已经用来, 为
例子, 资源是多么的组织分派 (Pfeffer,1992), 决定被作出的方式 (Neustadt,
1990), 注意 (Fiske,1993) 的控制, 动作的不禁止 (Galinsky, Gruenfeld&Magee,
2003;Keltner, Gruenfeld&Anderson,2003), 和冲突 (Boulding,1966,1989) 的决议, 到
命名仅仅一些重要的程序和结果。 力量的观念被通常用,而且,
不不但如此的结果为什么确实发生 , 而且他们为什么是。 罗素 (1938) 的观察
那力量是一 "基本原理观念" 在社会科学残余物同样地真实的今天中当它是当他第一
发出它。
如三月 (1994) 力量的着名, 最大多数的怀孕反映 "竞争的直觉观念, 藉由结果
被奋斗力量的比较力量决定".(140) 错误 (1979) 定义是代表性的
这传统, 表示力量的特色当做那 " 一些人的能力生产有意的
而且预见在其它上的效果".(2) 向前相似的线, Blau(1964) 计画演员持有力量
当他们能 " 引诱其它同意希望被有益的他们为这么做".(115) 如这些定义
制造清楚的, 社会的科学家已经久假定在力量和影响力之间的秘密关系
(法国人 ,1959;McClelland,1975): 社会的影响力的有效使用帮助个体
获得力量。 因为有力的社会演员持有更多 , 所以电源,依次,促进社会的影响力
可能被带来一解决他们的问题忍受的资源.(Pfeffer,1992)
在这些区别上的图画, 有效的社会影响力可能被定义为程序成功地
藉着方法感应在其他的人态度,信念,知觉,感觉,价值和行为方面的改变
一个自己的动作手法。 如此定义, 有效的影响力手法的使用已经是主题
相当的之前理论和研究 (,举例来说,Cialdini,1988;Kramer&Neale,1998;Levine,2003;
Pratkanis&Aronson,1992,2001;Zimbardo, Ebbesen&Maslach,1977 为较包罗万象的治疗
在有效的影响力上的社会心理学的文学).

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