春光乍泄张国荣图片:帮忙翻译一下

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When the idea about the innovation system approach was first discussed in the middle of the 1980s nobody expected it to become as widely diffused as it is today. Today, OECD, the European Commission and UNCTAD have absorbed the concept as an integral part of their analytical perspective. The World Bank and IMF have been more reluctant but even here change seems to be taking place. The US Academy of Science has recently brought the National Innovation System into its vocabulary and now uses it as a framework for analyzing science and technology policy in the US. Sweden, has given the concept legitimate status in its own particular way by naming a new central government institution (an ‘ämbetsverk’) VINNOVA which stands for ‘the Systems of Innovation Authority’.
It is interesting to speculate why the concept has diffused so rapidly among scholars and policy makers. One reason may be that mainstream macroeconomic theory and policy have failed to deliver an understanding and control of the factors behind international competitiveness and economic development. Another reason might be that the extreme division of specialization among policy institutions and policy analysts has become such a big practical problem that an analytical concept that helps to overcome these problems was welcomed not least among those responsible for innovation and science policy. It is our impression that the concept to begin with diffused to this more limited community but that it now tends to enter into broader circles of scholars and policy makers focusing on economic growth and development. The focus on national systems is, of course, controversial in a context characterized by so-called globalization. Here, one might think of ‘the owl of Minerva flying in the dusk’ and argue that it is only when an institution (in this case the nation state) is becoming seriously threatened that we begin to understand its importance and fundamental functions. But it is also important to note that most empirical studies of how far globalization processes have undermined national systems seem to indicate that the national level remains important for certain innovation activities (Archibugi and Michie, 1995; Cantwell, 1995; Patel, 1995). In a series of studies based on patenting statistics Keith Pavitt and Pari Patel demonstrated that the national origin of multinational firms did matter quite a lot for the location of innovative activities (see for instance Patel and Pavitt, 1994). Actually, it might be argued that the growing proximity and potential tension among national systems brought about by globalization is a factor increasing the demand for understanding nation-specific systemic differences between innovation practices that relate to international trade (Ostry and Nelson, 1995).

当知道方法的创新体系中首次讨论,预计在1980人,成为广为传播的今天. 今天,经济合作与发展组织、欧洲委员会和贸发会议吸收的概念作为其分析观点. 世界银行和国际货币基金组织已经在改变,甚至更不情愿似乎发生. 美国科学院最近把它纳入国家创新体系建设,目前使用的词汇为框架的科技政策分析美国. 瑞典给予合法地位概念本身的命名方式是新中央政府机构主张制度创新.
有趣的是,为何揣测概念迅速传播学者和决策者. 原因之一可能是,宏观经济理论和政策的主流并没有提供一个了解和控制的经济发展和国际竞争力的主要因素之一. 另一个原因可能是极端的专业化分工,提高决策体制和政策分析家已成为一大现实问题,分析概念,以协助解决这些问题,是最不欢迎的应对和创新的科技政策. 我们觉得这个概念开始传播,这与社会较为有限,但现在更倾向于进入界学者和决策者注重经济增长和发展. 国家重点系统,当然在这种背景下,出现了有争议的所谓全球化.在这里,我们可以想到"众议院的猫头鹰在黄昏飞
"并说,只有当一个机构(在这种情况下,民族国家) 受到日益严重的威胁,我们开始认识到这个问题的重要性和基本功能. 但也必须看到,大多数的实证研究如何破坏国家体系全球化进程似乎仍然是重要的国家一级某些创新活动(Archibugi,Michie,1995年; 卡琳,1995年; Patel1995). 在一系列研究基于专利统计KeithPavitt和债权人Patel显示多国籍企业的问题也不少的创新活动地点(见,例如PatelPavitt,1994).实际上,可以说,日益接近,民族之间的紧张关系可能带来的系统是一个全球化的需求增加的因素,了解国家的具体体制创新的做法不同,与国际贸易(Nelson结合,1995年).

当想法关于创新系统方法第一次被谈论了在80 年代中间没人盼望它成为一样广泛散开照原样今天。今天, 经济合作与发展组织、欧共体和UNCTAD 吸收了概念作为他们的分析透视的整体部分。世界银行和IMF 更加勉强但平衡这里变动似乎发生。美国科学院最近带领了全国创新系统进入它的词汇量和现在使用它作为框架为分析科学和技术政策在美国。瑞典, 由说出给了概念合法的状态用它自己的特殊方式一个新中央政府机关(?etsverk 名字。) 代表创新当局the 系统的VINNOVA 。它是有趣推测为什么概念那么迅速地散开了在学者和政策制订者之中。一个原因也许是, 主流宏观经济学理论和政策未提供因素的理解和控制在国际竞争性和经济发展之后。其它原因也许是, 专业化极端分裂在政策机关和政策分析员之中成为了这样一个大实用问题帮助克服这些问题的一个分析概念被欢迎了不是最少在那些之中负责任对创新和科学政策。这是概念从散开开始对这个更加有限的社区但它现在倾向于输入学者和政策制订者更加宽广的圈子集中于经济成长的我们的印象。焦点在全国系统是, 当然, 有争议的在上下文为所谓的全球化描绘。这里, 有人可能认为Minerva 飞行the 猫头鹰在黄昏和争辩说, 它是只机关(在这种情况下国家状态) 成为严重威胁我们开始了解它的重要性和根本作用。但它还重要注意到, 最经验主义的研究的多远全球化过程破坏了全国系统似乎表明全国水平遗骸的重要为某些创新活动(Archibugi 和Michie 1995 年; Cantwell 1995 年; Patel, 1995) 。参加一系列研究根据给予专利统计Keith Pavitt 和Pari Patel 显示出, 多民族企业的原国籍相当多事关为创新活动的地点(参见例如Patel 和Pavitt 1994) 。实际上, 它也许被争论, 增长的接近度和潜力紧张在全国系统之中由全球化达到是因素增加需求为了解国家具体系统区别在与国际贸易关系的创新实践之间(Ostry 和纳尔逊1995) 。